Theory
記事 (kiji)

The 99% Reset Is Not Communism: A Structural and Historical Distinction

The Reset transfers capital to workers via co-ops, CLTs, and wealth funds—all private, democratic, and irrevocable. Communism centralized power in the state and failed. We succeed where they failed: cooperation over politics.

2025-11-14
The 99% Reset Is Not Communism: A Structural and Historical Distinction
要約·Executive Summary

The 99% Reset is a decentralized, ownership-based democratic socialist movement that transfers capital from the 1% to the 99% through worker co-ops, Community Land Trusts (CLTs), credit unions, and Citizens' Wealth Funds—all private, democratic, and irrevocable institutions.

Communism collapsed under bureaucratic tyranny, economic miscalculation, and lack of worker voice—evidenced by the Soviet Union (1991), China's pivot to state capitalism (1978), and Venezuela's hyperinflation (2016–2025).

Private
Co-ops & CLTs: Not State Property
Democratic
One Member, One Vote
Irreversible
Perpetual Trusts & Equity Vesting

Core Structural Difference

所有権の構造·Who Owns Production?

The fundamental distinction lies in ownership structure and control mechanisms, not abstract ideological commitments or revolutionary rhetoric. Historical communist regimes consolidated ownership in state apparatuses controlled by party elites claiming to represent workers while systematically excluding them from decision-making. The Soviet Union's Supreme Soviet functioned as rubber stamp for Politburo decrees. China's "people's congresses" provided democratic theater masking authoritarian control. Workers had no voice in production decisions, no ability to elect management, no recourse against bureaucratic incompetence. State ownership meant party ownership, which meant elite extraction rebranded as socialist progress.

The 99% Reset inverts this power structure entirely. Ownership vests directly in workers through cooperative shares and residents through Community Land Trust leaseholds. These aren't state property but private trusts legally owned by members who elect boards through one-member-one-vote governance. Mondragón's 80,000 worker-owners vote annually on strategic direction, elect management, and receive patronage dividends tied to cooperative surplus. Burlington's CLT maintains ground leases ensuring perpetual affordability while leaseholders build equity through home improvements. The legal architecture prevents state seizure—cooperatives and CLTs exist as private entities protected by property law from government confiscation. This ownership model combines socialist distribution with capitalist legal protections, creating hybrid institutions resistant to both state capture and market commodification.

DimensionCommunism (Historical)99% Reset
OwnershipState (party elites)Workers, residents (co-op members, CLT leaseholders)
ControlPolitical decree (Five-Year Plans)Democratic vote (one member, one vote)
Legal FormState property (no exit)Private trusts (perpetual affordability)
ExampleUSSR: State farms → 1989 food shortagesQuébec: 10,000+ co-ops, Gini drop since 1930s

Communism nationalized everything into the state, concentrating power in party hands.
The Reset privatizes everything into the 99%, distributing power through member ownership.

Why Communism Failed

共産主義の崩壊·Politics Over Cooperation

Bureaucratic tyranny defined communist regimes from their inception. Stalin's purges executed 700,000 people while Mao's Great Leap Forward killed over 30 million through forced collectivization. Workers had no voice—party elites controlled every decision through centralized planning divorced from ground-level reality. Democratic socialist cooperatives operate through one-member-one-vote governance that makes such top-down brutality structurally impossible.

Economic miscalculation plagued centrally planned economies unable to process distributed information. Soviet GDP per capita reached only $3,500 compared to America's $23,000 by 1991's collapse. Price signals vanished—central planners guessed at demand while warehouses filled with unwanted goods and shortages paralyzed essential services. Worker cooperatives use market feedback to adjust production dynamically, combining socialist ownership with capitalist efficiency signals.

Incentive structures collapsed under state ownership disconnected from worker effort. The bitter Soviet joke captured the dynamic: "They pretend to pay us, we pretend to work." Workers held no equity stake in production success, breeding cynicism and minimal effort. Cooperatives distribute patronage dividends directly tied to individual contribution, aligning personal interest with collective prosperity.

Corruption flourished in state monopolies lacking accountability mechanisms. Venezuela's PDVSA got systematically looted by connected elites, triggering hyperinflation exceeding 1,000,000%. State control enabled theft at massive scale with no worker oversight. Cooperatives maintain transparent bylaws and annual general assemblies where members vote on budgets, creating democratic accountability that communist parties deliberately destroyed.

Politics killed communism.
Cooperation powers the Reset.

The Reset's Anti-Communist Safeguards

民主的所有権·Democratic Ownership

Democratic socialist ownership structures incorporate specific safeguards preventing the bureaucratic capture and authoritarian consolidation that destroyed historical communist experiments. These aren't abstract principles but concrete legal and governance mechanisms embedded in cooperative charters, CLT ground leases, and credit union bylaws. Each safeguard addresses a specific failure mode that undermined communist regimes, creating institutional antibodies against the pathologies that transformed revolutionary movements into authoritarian nightmares. The architecture matters—legal form determines political possibility.

No state dependency eliminates political capture risk. All Reset assets exist in private trusts legally owned by members rather than government entities subject to regime change. Burlington's CLT maintained 0% price inflation across 30 years spanning multiple administrations from progressive to conservative. Mondragón reinvests 80% of surplus through member democratic decisions, not political priorities. Governments may provide initial subsidies or favorable policy, but cannot seize assets or override member governance once cooperatives and CLTs establish independent operations. This legal architecture survived Franco's fascist dictatorship in Spain and neoliberal austerity in Vermont, proving resilience across hostile political environments.

Market + democracy: Co-ops compete, vote on strategy. Québec co-ops: $47B revenue, 120K jobs, member-elected boards.

No elite capture: One member, one vote + 5–7 year equity vesting. Colorado law: 2% annual sale to worker trust—irrevocable.

Legal perpetuity: Trusts can't be unwound. Norway Oil Fund: $1.7T, dividends only, no political raids.

Historical Proof

歴史的証拠·Cooperation Wins
MovementMethodOutcome
Soviet CommunismPolitical (state seizure)Failed 1991—GDP crash, elites fled
Mondragón Co-opsCooperative (worker ownership)80K members, 70+ years, outlasted Franco
Québec Co-opsCooperative (credit unions, farms)10K+ entities, top 1% share 42% → 18%
99% ResetCooperative (boycotts → co-ops)Projected: 40% market ownership by 2040
結論·Conclusion

Communism failed because it was political: state ownership → elite capture, central planning → economic collapse. The 99% Reset succeeds because it is cooperative: worker ownership → aligned incentives, market democracy → adaptive efficiency, irrevocable trusts → permanent power.

The 99% don't need the state to own the future. They need to own it themselves.

References: Mondragón Corporation (2025), Québec Co-op Federation (2025), Burlington CLT (2025), Chenoweth (2011), World Bank (2025)

3 Comments

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TP
Thomas Petrov· Nov 15

As someone who grew up in former Soviet Ukraine, thank you for making this distinction clear. State ownership failed because workers had no real control. Co-ops give us actual ownership.

ML
Mei Lin· Nov 15

This is crucial messaging. My parents fled Maoist China and are initially skeptical of anything "socialist". But when I explain worker co-ops and credit unions, they get it. The distinction matters.

RA
Robert Anderson· Nov 15

The Mondragón example is perfect. 80,000 worker-owners, survived Franco, outlasted the USSR. That's the proof we need. Democratic ownership works.